Kang Haggerty News
The False Claims Act (FCA) can be a powerful tool to protect veteran health care in the wake of an uptick in private equity’s participation in the sector, in that it is now well-established that private equity companies and their principals can be held liable under the FCA.
In the October 23, 2025 edition of The Legal Intelligencer, Edward T. Kang and Kandis L. Kovalsky co-authored, “The False Claims Act (FCA) can be a powerful tool to protect veteran health care in the wake of an uptick in private equity’s participation in the sector, in that it is now well-established that private equity companies and their principals can be held liable under the FCA.”
On Sept. 9, 2025, we had the great honor, along with our colleague Jacklyn DeMar, the chief executive officer of The Antifraud Coalition (TAF), of participating in a roundtable meeting at the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Veterans’ Affairs at the invitation of the Honorable Mark Takano, the Ranking Member of the Committee. The roundtable, titled “Profit Over Quality: Examining the Effects of Private Equity on Veteran Healthcare,” was specifically focused on private equity’s role in the demise of health care for veterans. We discussed with Reps. Mark Takano and Jullia Brownley how the False Claims Act (FCA) can be a powerful tool to protect veteran health care in the wake of an uptick in private equity’s participation in the sector, in that it is now well-established that private equity companies and their principals can be held liable under the FCA.
Under the FCA, a whistleblower, called a “relator,” can file an action for violations of the FCA in federal court on behalf of the U.S. government; this is known as a qui tam action. The FCA requires that the action must be filed under seal and remain sealed for 60 days, during which time the government can investigate the reported fraud and misconduct. The reality is that the seal period in qui tam actions is usually extended many times, and it is not uncommon for the investigations to take several years. Oftentimes, litigation follows the investigation, which can take another few years, and sometimes more. The recent monumental case of Penelow v. Janssen Products, out of the U.S. District Court for the District of New Jersey, which resulted in a $1.64 billion judgment, is a good example. This case was filed in 2012, yet a judgment was not obtained until 2025—13 years later.
We explained to Ranking Member Takano and other members of Congress that to disincentivize private equity companies from participating in fraud on the government, the investigations in qui tam actions must move much quicker than they do now. The speed of the investigation regarding any private equity defendant is critical. This is because, generally, private equity companies exit their portfolio companies within three to seven years, to align with the life cycle of their investment funds. Private equity firms do not typically have a large pot of money sitting in an operating account like other types of companies may. To be able to collect damages under the FCA against a private equity firm, there needs to be liquidity in the specific fund formed for the acquisition of the portfolio company at issue. In situations where qui tam actions, through investigation and litigation, are taking a case to a point where settlement or obtaining a judgment is occurring seven to 10 years after the private equity firm’s acquisition of the portfolio company, it can make it difficult to have any chance of collecting, unless individual liability can also be established. Even so, settlements based on individual liability will almost always be on an ability-to-pay basis (especially when the mandatory trebling of damages and statutory penalties are accounted for).
DeMar explained to Takano that one solution to this predicament is to increase resources and staffing to the civil departments within the Department of Justice that are responsible for investigating and prosecuting qui tam cases. Rep. Takano responded: “I am wondering if some of the members here, we might write a letter to DOJ about the staffing challenges. If we are looking for government efficiency and rooting out fraud, waste, and abuse, I think we have hit a pretty big vein here, and if we could redirect DOGE into things like this, I would hazard to guess what that amount of money would be.”
This is correct. Government fraud is rampant. According to the Government Accountability Office (GAO), the federal government loses between $233 billion and $521 billion annually to fraud, waste and improper payments. Since 2003, federal agencies have reported about $2.8 trillion in improper payments. In 2024, 16 agencies reported improper payment estimates that totaled $162 billion. Specific high-problem areas include government health care programs (Medicare, Medicaid, TRICARE) and government defense contracts. All these statistics directly correlate to taxpayers’ hard-earned money being effectively stolen. According to The Heritage Foundation, this pattern continues to contribute to a taxpayer burden that already exceeds more than $270,000 per household due to the $36 trillion in taxpayer debt.
In 2024, $2.9 billion was recovered under the FCA, 83% of which is attributable to qui tam suits. Since the enactment of Sen. Chuck Grassley’s 1986 reforms to the FCA, FCA actions have returned $78 billion to the taxpayers, with more than 70% of this amount being because of qui tam actions (and the remainder being from FCA actions filed directly by the government). These cases also have a strong deterrent on future fraud, estimated to be in the many billions.
While we were at the U.S. House of Representatives, discussing how to better use FCA to fight fraud, others sought to dismantle its very existence.
On Sept. 10, 2025, an article was published here in The Legal Intelligencer titled “Historical Patterns Cannot Justify Contemporary Violations of Constitutional Guarantees—Renewed Constitutional Attacks on FCA Qui Tam Provisions.” The authors of this article argued that “this is a pivotal moment for defendants to raise and preserve constitutional challenges to qui tam actions.” The article summarizes two court opinions from Judge Kathryn Kimball Mizelle, from the U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Florida, and one concurrence from Judge Stuart Kyle Duncan, from the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, in which these judges held that the FCA’s qui tam allowance violates Article II of the Constitution.
The FCA, also known as “Lincoln’s Law, was passed in 1863, during the Civil War. It was passed in response to war profiteers who defrauded the Union Army. The FCA has been good law for 162 years. So, why is there a push to change the law now? More importantly, why is this something defense lawyers would want and celebrate? If the FCA is ruled unconstitutional, the taxpayers will be saddled with billions more in debt each year while fraudsters profit from them, and the government will be left much more powerless to do anything about it. Further, holding the qui tam mechanism of the FCA statute as unconstitutional would not preserve or advance the interests of the Constitution; in fact, it would do the opposite and undermine many decades of precedent.
The constitutionality of the qui tam mechanism has been challenged many times before, and every circuit to consider the issue, including the Second, Fifth, Sixth, Seventh, Ninth, and Tenth Circuits, has held, in decisions ranging from 1993 to 2002, that the qui tam provision is in accordance with the Constitutional separation of powers. This aspiration to dismantle the FCA began with a 2023 dissent by Justice Clarence Thomas, who has authored many FCA opinions since his tenure on the high court began in 1991 without raising this issue, including the infamous Escobar decision in 2016.
In 2023, in the case of Polansky v. Executive Health Resources, Thomas disagreed with the eight-Justice majority, which held that the government has broad discretion to seek dismissal of relators’ qui tam actions. Justice Thomas went further, though, in arguing that the qui tam function of the FCA violates Article II of the Constitution. In his flawed opinion, representation of the United States’ interests is an executive function conferred only to the president and individuals appointed as officers of the United States under Article 2, the appointments clause.
Shortly thereafter, Judge Mizelle, who clerked for Justice Thomas in 2018 and 2019, reached the same flawed conclusion in Zafirov v. Florida Medical Associates. The Eleventh Circuit’s decision in this case will be a defining moment for the FCA. If the court rules in favor of the appellants, it will be the seventh circuit to join the majority view that qui tam actions are constitutional. Suppose it rules in favor of the appellees. In that case, it will create a circuit split on the issue, and with not only Justice Thomas, but also Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett itching to revisit this issue, it is somewhat unclear what the outcome would be.
Justice Thomas said last month that he does not view the high court’s prior rulings as “the gospel” and that any precedent that does not respect the U.S. Constitution or the country’s legal traditions is ripe for reconsideration. Justice Thomas’ attack on the constitutionality of qui tam actions seems to be a part of his larger philosophy to upend any precedent, no matter how longstanding, that he believes is violative of the Constitution. This approach undermines the public’s faith in the judiciary, which is already at an all-time low. In the case of the FCA, there appears to be no upside. More than 75% of the recoveries in FCA actions are from cases filed by whistleblowers. Simply put, the government does not have the resources to achieve what whistleblowers can in the FCA space. To dismantle qui tam actions would be bad for the public. And, for the reasons outlined in all the briefs filed on behalf of the appellants in the Zafirov appeal, particularly the amicus brief filed on behalf of Sen. Grassley, Justice Thomas, and Judges Mizelle and Duncan are wrong in their analysis.
For the sake of this country, let’s hope that the Eleventh Circuit does the right thing in the Zafirov appeal, that more resources can be allocated to the DOJ to fight fraud on the government, and that there can be a bipartisan approach in doing so under the FCA so that the government can recoup more of the billions of dollars that are siphoned off by fraudsters each year.
Edward T. Kang is the managing member of Kang Haggerty. He devotes the majority of his practice to business litigation and other litigation involving business entities. Contact him at ekang@kanghaggerty.com.
Kandis L. Kovalsky, a member with the firm, focuses her practice on a broad range of high stakes business-related civil litigation in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York state and federal courts and arbitral tribunals, and representing relators in high stakes qui tam actions filed under the federal and state False Claims Acts.
Reprinted with permission from the October 23, 2025 edition of “The Legal Intelligencer” © 2025 ALM Global, LLC. All rights reserved. Further duplication without permission is prohibited. Request academic re-use from www.copyright.com. All other uses, submit a request to asset-and-logo-licensing@alm.com. For more information visit Asset & Logo Licensing.